The African Union and the eastern DRC Conflict: A Case of Selective Condemnation, Hypocrisy and Dangerous Silence

The African Union’s recent statement on February 6th, 2026, condemning the destruction of Kinshasa’s military drone command centre at Kisangani Airport by the Alliance Fleuve Congo-Mouvement du 23 Mars (AFC-M23) has reignited deep concerns about the organization’s selective narrative regarding the conflict in eastern DRC. While the African Union Commission quickly denounced the incident as a possible act of terrorism and a violation of international humanitarian law, it has remained outstandingly silent on the extensive, documented atrocities committed by the Kinshasa government and its coalition (namely Wazalendo, FDLR, Burundian troops and European mercenaries) against civilian populations—particularly Congolese Tutsi communities, including the Banyamulenge.

This article examines the broader context conveniently omitted from the AU’s condemnation. It argues that the AU’s narrow focus undermines its credibility, risks validating mass atrocities through silence, and mirrors past international failures that preceded genocide history in the great lakes region.

The African Union’s Statement on Kisangani

According to the statement, the AU Chairperson further warned against the expansion of hostilities into major urban centers, urging AFC-M23 to cease hostilities, renounce indiscriminate warfare, comply with the Doha Agreement, and reaffirmed the AU’s commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC. What the statement did not address, however, is the context in which the Kisangani operation occurred—or the sustained pattern of state and allied violence against civilians that preceded it.

AFC-M23’s Reason for the Kisangani Operation

Between Saturday, January 31 and Sunday, February 1, 2026, AFC-M23 carried out the destruction of a military drone command center located at Kisangani Airport. This facility functioned as the central hub for planning, coordinating, and executing drone strikes and military operations targeting both civilian populations and AFC-M23 positions in liberated areas, including Masisi, Walikale, Rutshuru, Lubero, Kalehe, Mwenga, and Minembwe. The operation followed numerous, repeated, and well-documented denunciations of massacres of civilians perpetrated by forces aligned with the Kinshasa regime.

AFC-M23 maintains that it will not remain passive while civilians are systematically targeted and urges strict respect for the ceasefire for the path to peace. It further demands that responsibility for military actions not be shifted elsewhere, asserting full responsibility for the Kisangani operation while noting that Kinshasa is fully aware of the military equipment it abandoned at the airports of Goma and Kavumu. AFC-M23 also appealed to the international community to act urgently to end the barbarity and impunity for crimes against civilians, while reaffirming its stated commitment to a peaceful resolution of the conflict.

Documented Attacks Against Civilians by Kinshasa Coalition Forces: The Sange Market and Uvira Attacks

Victim of the FARDC attacks at Sange Market

On Thursday, January 29, 2026, coalition forces aligned with the Kinshasa regime carried out a grenade attack at Sange market. The explosive was deliberately thrown into a crowd of civilians, killing five people—among them women—and injuring many others. Later that same evening, another attack targeted a SNCC speedboat at the port, where a bomb was hurled at the vessel.

In the same context, two Banyamulenge women were abducted by DRC-backed Wazalendo militiamen. These incidents form part of a broader strategy of terror, persecution, and unpunished crimes. Furthermore, to prevent independent documentation, the Kinshasa regime reportedly cut internet access in Uvira and surrounding areas.

Systematic Drone Bombardment

Banyamulenge Civilian homes destroyed by drones in Mikenke

Between January 15 and January 29, 2026, coalition forces consisting of the FARDC, Burundian troops (FDNB), Wazalendo militias, and European mercenaries conducted repeated drone bombardments and ground offensives against Minembwe and Masisi. According to reports, Minembwe was bombed every two days, while densely populated villages in Masisi were targeted on alternate days.

On January 29, at approximately 4:00 a.m., a coalition described as the “axis of evil”—comprising FARDC units known as the “Owls” (Hiboux), the Burundian army (FDNB), Wazalendo, genocidal FDLR elements, and European mercenaries—launched an attack on Point Zero, near Minembwe. Six drones operated in coordinated rotations, dropping a total of 34 bombs in a single day.

Additional drone attacks were reported on January 24 in Mukoko and Gakenke, on January 22 in Rugezi and Biziba, on January 17 at Point Zero, and on January 15 in several areas around Minembwe, including Rwitsankuku and Baruta. These attacks represent a sustained and deliberate campaign against Congolese Tutsi civilian populations.

The Banyamulenge and the Pattern of Genocidal Violence

For years, the Banyamulenge—a Congolese Tutsi pastoral community—have faced genocide. Executions by Wazalendo militias, genocidal FDLR, and FARDC units have been documented, fueled by persistent anti-Tutsi hate speech and historical massacres dating back to the 1960s. Between 2019 and 2024, reported atrocities included killings, lynchings, rapes, cannibalism, arson, abductions, and widespread looting, displacing thousands. Under AFC-M23 control, such executions completely stopped in liberated areas. There are no reports of post-2025 targeted killings in liberated Goma, marking a notable departure from previous patterns of ethnic violence.

Observers warn that the situation concerning Banyamulenge communities now reflects stages eight and nine of genocide—persecution and extermination—yet no meaningful international protection or condemnation has followed. The parallels with the lead-up to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda are increasingly difficult to ignore.

Regional Involvement an War Crimes

Equally alarming are reports that Burundian forces operating alongside Kinshasa’s coalition have directly targeted civilians, including airstrikes on densely populated areas, bombs launched from Burundian territory, blockades around Minembwe, and restrictions on humanitarian aid—actions that collectively punish civilian populations under the pretext of regional security. Such acts may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity under international law.

Hate Speech, Denial, and the Normalization of Genocide Ideology

Within international forums, Congolese authorities deny the existence of hate speech or incitement against Congolese Tutsis. Domestically, however, individuals known for promoting violence are received by high-level officials.

Patrick Muyaya, the DRC Minister of Communication and government spokesperson, has repeatedly dismissed those denouncing massacres of Congolese Tutsis as spreading “Rwandan poison.” This language dehumanizes victims and echoes historical propaganda that framed entire populations as toxic threats.

More explicitly, FARDC spokesperson General Ekenge publicly declared on national television that Tutsi women are deceitful, untrustworthy, and engaged in reproducing a so-called “superior race.” Such statements closely mirror the “Hutu Ten Commandments” first published in 1959 by Joseph Habyarimana Gitera and later revived by Kangura magazine in 1990—texts that played a central role in preparing the ideological ground for the 1994 genocide.

When such rhetoric is voiced by the spokesperson of a national army and minister of communication/government spokesperson, it cannot be dismissed as a personal opinion. It reflects continuity in genocidal ideology and a political environment that tolerates or endorses dehumanization.

The Cost of Selective Outrage

The situation in eastern DRC now exhibits the same warning signs that preceded past atrocities in the region: dehumanization, incitement, normalization of violence, and institutional silence. By condemning one act in isolation while ignoring a larger, documented pattern of state-aligned violence and hate speech, the African Union risks repeating historic failures. Is the African Union already being influenced by Burundi, a country soon taking the lead of this same institution, a country known to be a belligerent in the conflict? Selective outrage does not protect civilians, nor does it promote peace. Accountability, consistency, and the courage to confront uncomfortable truths are essential—because silence, once again, is proving deadly.