Uvira Betrayed:How a City Fell Back Into Violence and Why It Was Predictable.

Before Liberation: A City Abandoned by the State

Before Uvira was liberated by the AFC-M23, the city was already collapsing under the weight of state failure under DRC President Félix Tshisekedi. Civil administration had all but disappeared, while the government coalition forces became fragmented, predatory, and deeply intertwined with criminal militias. FARDC units, Burundian troops, and pro-government Wazalendo operated with violence and total impunity. Instead of protecting civilians, markets became unsafe, neighborhoods were overrun, and ethnic hatred was openly practiced and tolerated. The absence of the state was not theoretical—it was lived daily by civilians trapped between extortion, arbitrary arrests, and unchecked violence against Congolese Tutsi communities (particularly Banyamulenge).

Infighting in the DRC Government Coalition

The dysfunction of the Kinshasa regime’s coalition became public once again in December 2025 as infighting erupted within the alliance of the Congolese army (FARDC), Burundian troops, and the Wazalendo militia. On December 7th, near Luvungi in Uvira territory, as AFC-M23 advanced, Wazalendo fighters accused their own allies of cowardice for retreating from the frontline. In Sange village—just 30 kilometers from Uvira and near the Burundian border—Wazalendo opened fire without warning on FARDC and Burundian forces. The ambush forced Congolese and Burundian soldiers to flee across the border into Burundi.

The human cost was devastating. At least 36 civilians were killed. The deadliest moment came when FARDC artillery struck the entrance to Sange market, killing 31 people—mostly vendors, passers-by, and local residents. This was not collateral damage; it was the consequence of the Kinshasa regime’s fragile coalition.

Lynching and Dehumanization: The Targeting of the Banyamulenge

Long before January 2026, Banyamulenge civilians were subjected to lynchings, dehumanization, and acts of extreme cruelty. One particularly shocking, documented incident shows a Wazalendo fighter removing the heart of a Munyamulenge victim and parading it publicly. These crimes are not isolated, hate speech and ethnic violence against the Banyamulenge are normalized and rarely condemned or even acknowledged by the DRC government and the international community. What is unfolding in Uvira and across eastern DRC against Congolese Tutsi communities corresponds to levels 8 and 9 of genocide under the Ten Stages of Genocide model developed by Dr. Gregory Stanton—namely, Persecution and Extermination, the final phases of the genocide. Yet, there are no headlines on this.

DRC Government Ceasefire Violations Without Consequence

Despite repeated commitments to peace processes, including obligations under the Doha peace process, ceasefire violations by the Kinshasa regime became routine. One of the most recent occurred on Wednesday, January 14, 2026, when drones operated by the DRC government coalition forces carried out an airstrike on the port of Kalundu in Uvira. The attack caused significant material damage and resulted in loss of human life. This incident is one among many, yet, as with previous violations, there was no condemnation or call to accountability by the international community.

Uvira as a Launchpad for Blockade and Persecution of the Banyamulenge

Furthermore, President Félix Tshisekedi’s reliance on the Burundian army exposes a destructive alliance between the two regimes. By 2025, more than 20,000 Burundian forces, alongside Imbonerakure militias, were operating across South Kivu. From Uvira, elements of these forces formed a ring of occupation around Banyamulenge villages, imposing what can only be described as a concentration-camp-style encirclement of Minembwe—cutting off access to essential food, medicine, and markets. Uvira was not merely neglected, it was deliberately instrumentalized as a base for Burundian forces.

One Month That Changed Everything: AFC-M23 Liberates Uvira

Then came the liberation of Uvira by AFC-M23 and with it, a stark contrast. For a full month, no gunshots were heard. There was no looting, no civilian casualties, no ethnic targeting. Markets operated freely, children played and in Salongo, local residents began organizing community clean-up events. For the first time in years, Uvira had peace and Minembwe had began to feel it as well. It was during this period that Uvira’s population witnessed that functioning state authority was possible.

AFC-M23 Withdrawal in Good Faith and Its Consequences

This photo taken with a mobile phone shows members of the March 23 Movement (M23) rebel group on the move in Uvira, in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)

AFC-M23 refused to be an obstacle to peace or negotiations, as it had done before in Kibumba, Kitchanga, and other areas. In an act of goodwill, it handed over Uvira. On January 15, 2026, in Goma, the AFC-M23 officially placed the city of Uvira under the full and complete responsibility of the international community. A formal letter, signed by political coordinator Corneille Nangaa, was addressed to UN Secretary-General António Guterres. It was a gesture of political responsibility and patriotism, a bet on civilian protection, the Doha peace process, and lasting peace. Unfortunately and faithful to who they are, Wazalendo did not wait a week. Just hours after the withdrawal, looting and killings resumed.

January 18, 2026: The Return of Terror

Looting began right after the M23 withdrawal from Uvira

On Sunday, January 18, after the withdrawal of the AFC-M23 observation and monitoring unit on Saturday, January 17, FARDC and Wazalendo groups took positions across Uvira. Targeted violence against the Banyamulenge and Congolese Tutsi communities began once again. Houses and places of business were looted and burned, churches were ransacked and destroyed. Adult men were abducted to unknown destinations, with reports of summary executions. FARDC, FDLR genocidaires, Wazalendo, and Imbonerakure—members of the Kinshasa regime’s coalition—spread hate speech openly, declaring that “no Banyarwanda must remain in Uvira.” As a result of circulating death threats, more than a hundred Banyamulenge households fled the city in fear. Yet there has been no condemnation. No communiqué. No emergency meeting. When Congolese Tutsis are persecuted and killed in this region, silence fills the meeting rooms. The UN Security Council does not convene. Embassies remain quiet. The chaos today in Uvira was predictable. The international community had been warned, even accompanying measures were proposed by AFC-M23—and ignored. In this context, it is no wonder that liberation by AFC-M23 increasingly appears, to many, not as a problem—but as the only solution.

@Copyright Poliscoop Media 2026